Non-timber forest products

              Non-timber forest products (NTFPs) are biological resources other than timber which are extracted from either natural or managed forests (Peters 1994). Examples of exploited plant products include fruits, nuts, oil seeds, latex, resins, gums, medicinal plants, spices, dyes, ornamental plants, and raw materials such as firewood, Desmoncus climbing palms, bamboo and rattan. The socio-economic importance of NTFP harvest to indigenous peoples cannot be underestimated. Many ethnobotanical studies have catalogued the wide variety of useful plants (or plant parts) harvested by different aboriginal groups throughout the tropics. For example, the Waimiri-Atroari Indians of central Amazonia make use of 79% of the tree species occurring in a single 1 ha terra firme forest plot (Milliken et al. 1992), and 1748 of the ~8000 angiosperm species in the Himalayan region spanning eight Asian countries are used medicinally and many more for other purposes (Samant et al. 1998). Exploitation of NTFPs often involves partial or entire removal of individuals from the population, but the extraction method and whether vital parts are removed usually determine the mortality level in the exploited population. Traditional NTFP extractive practices are often hailed as desirable, low-impact economic activities in tropical forests compared to alternative forms of land use involving structural disturbance such as selective logging and shifting agriculture (Peters et al. 1989). As such, NTFP exploitation is usually assumed to be sustainable and a promising compromise between biodiversity conservation and economic development under varying degrees of market integration. The implicit assumption is that traditional methods of NTFP exploitation have little or no impact on forest ecosystems and tend to be sustainable because they have been practiced over many generations. However, virtually any form of NTFP exploitation in tropical forests has an ecological impact.

             The spatial extent and magnitude of this impact dependson the accessibility of the resource stock, the floristic composition of the forest, the nature and intensity of harvesting, and the particular species or plant part under exploitation. Yet few studies have quantitatively assessed the demographic viability of plant populations sourcing NTFPs. One exception are Brazil nuts (Bertholletia excelsa, Lecythidaceae) which comprise the most important wild seed extractive industry supporting millions of Amazonian forest dwellers for either subsistence or income. This wild seed crop is firmly established in export markets, has a history of 200 years of commercial exploitation, and comprises one of the most valuable non-timber extractive industries in tropical forests anywhere. Yet the persistent collection of B. excelsa seeds has severely undermined the patterns of seedling recruitment of Brazil nut trees. This has drastically affected the age structure of many natural populations to the point where persistently overexploited stands have succumbed to a process of senescence and demographic collapse, threatening this cornerston of the Amazonian extractive economy (Peres et al. 2003). A boom in the use of homeopathic remedies sustained by over collecting therapeutic and aromatic plants is threatening at least 150 species of European wild flowers and plants and driving many populations to extinction (Traffic 1998). Commercial exploitation of the Pau-Rosa or rosewood tree (Aniba rosaeodora, Lauraceae), which contains linalol, a key ingredient in luxury perfumes, involves a one-off destructive harvesting technique that almost invariably kills the tree. This species has consequently been extirpated from virtually its entire range in Brazilian Amazonia (Mitja and Lescure 2000). Channel 5 and other perfumes made with Pau-Rosa fragrance gained wide market demand decades ago, but
the number of processing plants in Brazil fell from 103 in 1966 to fewer than 20 in 1986, due to the dwindling resource base. Yet French perfume connoisseurs have been reluctant to accept replacing the natural Pau-Rosa fragrance with
synthetic substitutes, and the last remaining populations of Pau-Rosa remain threatened. 

              The same could be argued for a number of NTFPs for which the harvest by destructive practices involves a lethal injury to whole reproductive individuals. What then is the impact of NTFP extraction on the dynamics of natural populations? How does the impact vary with the life history of plants and animals harvested? Are current extraction rates truly sustainable? These are key questions in terms of the demographic sustainability of different NTFP offtakes, which will ultimately depend on the ability of the resource population to recruit new seedlings either continuously or in sporadic pulses while being subjected to a repeated history of exploitation. Unguarded enthusiasm for the role of NTFP exploitation in rural development partly stems from unrealistic economic studies reporting high market values. For example, Peters et al. (1989) reported that the net-value of fruit and latex extraction in the Peruvian Amazon was US$6330/ ha. This is in sharp contrast with a Mesoamerican study that quantified the local value of foods, construction materials, and medicines extracted from the forest by 32 indigenous Indian households (Godoy et al. 2000). The combined value of consumption and sale of forest goods ranged from US$18 to US$24 ha 1 yr 1, at the lower end of previous estimates (US$49 - US$1 089 ha 1 yr 1). NTFP extraction thus cannot be seen as a panacea for rural development and in many studies the potential value of NTFPs is exaggerated by unrealistic assumptions of high discount rates, unlimited market demands, availability of transportation facilities and absence of product substitution.

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